English Article

The goal of building a popular Dalit agenda

It is to the credit of modern liberal ideas, capitalist development and democratic churning that Dalits are now a well recognised social and political force — a transformation made possible under the maverick leadership of B.R. Babasaheb Ambedkar. However, Ambedkar’s vision to elevate Dalits as an independent religious community or to improvise their lot as the dominating political force in the democratic battles has not yet been realised.

 

Current situation

There is a looming fear as the government of the day has been aggressive in adopting neo­liberal economic policies that often undermine social justice safeguards meant for the emancipation of historically marginalised communities. Further, the Hindutva ideological agenda considers independent Dalit assertions as a challenge to the politics of cultural nationalism. The threats and surveillance against the Dalit socio political movement have been accentuated, relegating it to a passive powerless location today.

 

A vision for social justice

Ambedkar realised that the colonial regime opened the doors of modern institutions to various marginalised social groups, welcoming them to become an integral part of democratic processes. Constitutional principles allowed the untouchable castes in particular to raise their grievances effectively and reprimanded the social elite leadership for their exclusive exploitation of state power and social privileges. Ambedkar hoped that the policy of job reservation or Dalit representation in legislative bodies would induce the substantive democratisation of political power and introduce Dalits as influential shareholders in modern institutions.

Second, Ambedkar visualised that non­political public spaces (educational institutions, media, culture and art industries) should be democratised, allowing Dalits to play an effective role as entitled citizens. Further, the state would take effective measures to cultivate a sensitive public culture and punish offenders who practised caste or community based discrimination. In modern India, it was expected that people would enjoy the profits of cosmopolitan culture without much fear of social discrimination and harassment. Ambedkar also believed that modernity should not be adored only for elevating the untouchables as a special category that would require the perpetual assistance of the state. Instead, he expected that Dalits must escape the burdened social identity (by converting to Buddhism) and reduce their dependency on the state. He imagined Dalits to be the natural leaders of historically deprived groups.

 

Dalit assertion

Influenced by Ambedkar’s socio- political directives, Dalit intervention in the public sphere has been to demand social dignity, independent cultural rights and political power. The affirmative action policies of the state have helped a significant Dalit section to emerge as a crucial segment of the mainstream middle class, allowing them to enjoy the profits of urban life. The arrival of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in the 1980s was possible due to the committed support of the Dalit middle class. However, various sections within the Dalits have not shown sincere attachment to the social justice movement and remained hegemonized by conventional cultural values, even drifting towards political options considered as antithetical to the politics of Dalit emancipation.

Second, on the social and cultural front, Dalits introduced themselves as an assertive and independent alternative. Today, Ambedkar’s life size statues in many cities are a visible marker of the dignified presence of Dalits in public spaces. Further, Dalits organise impressive public events (celebration of Constitution Day), or the birth anniversaries of revolutionary icons or the organisation of massive gatherings at historic sites to showcase their elevated sense of equality and dignity in public life. Dalits have introduced themselves as the proponent of alternative cultural values and have democratised the public sphere.

Third, it is in electoral battles that Dalits have witnessed their growing marginalisation. With the periodic decline of the BSP in Uttar Pradesh as a commendable mainstream party, the possibility that the national regime can be governed under Dalit­Bahujan leadership has been derailed. Interestingly, it is the BJP that often claims itself to be an inclusive party, representing the interests of the worst off Dalit­Bahujan castes. In Maharashtra, Bihar, Telangana and Tamil Nadu, though there are impressive social and political mobilisations by Dalits, these have limited capacities to overturn the domination of the nationalist parties, especially the BJP juggernaut at the Centre.

 

The realities

The post­Ambedkar Dalit activism has surely enlarged its presence and democratised the social and political sphere substantively. However the conventional class and caste relationships have not reformed much. Growing cases of caste atrocities, violence and assaults are enough to depress Dalit hopes for social emancipation. Further, even in modern institutions such as universities, the judiciary, the media and cultural industries, there is a marginalisation of Dalit participation.

 

Conclusion

On Ambedkar’s birth anniversary (April 14), the dignified public presence of Dalits may be visible, but there are few who look into their substantive issues about growing political marginalisation, a lack of representation in the institutions of power and their quest for freedom from the clutch of Brahmanical casteism. A rethinking is needed to build a popular Dalit agenda that mobilises the vulnerable and marginalised communities for a greater emancipatory project.

 

Introduction to Dr. Ambedkar

Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar was born on 14 April 1891 in Mhow, Madhya Pradesh, his full name was Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. He was the youngest of 14 siblings. His childhood was spent amidst exploitation, suffering and discrimination and he belonged to the Hindu Mahar caste. Dr. Ambedkar died on 6 December 1956 in Delhi. Earlier on 24 May 1956, Dr. Ambedkar announced that he would convert to Buddhism and on 14 October 1956 he converted to Buddhism along with many of his followers. This conversion of his was a way of protesting against the exploitations of caste and religion. He was posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna in 1990.

 

Education

Dr. Ambedkar passed his matriculation examination in 1907. Ambedkar was the first Dalit student to be admitted to the Government High School in Mumbai. Sayajirao Gaekwad, the Maharaja of Baroda, seeing Ambedkar's talent, provided him with a scholarship. He got this facility in the form of Rs 25 per month for his stay in America. He earned a bachelor's degree in political science and economics in 1912, passed his master's (MA) examination in 1915, earned his PhD in 1916 from Columbia University, and was awarded a Doctor of Science degree in 1923.

 

Contribution of Dr. Ambedkar

• In 1923, he founded the 'Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha' (Outcaste Welfare Association), dedicated to the spread of education and culture among Dalits. By 1927, Ambedkar had decided to launch active movements against untouchability. They started with public movements and marches to open public drinking water resources. He also started a struggle for the right to enter Hindu temples.
• At a conference in late 1927, Ambedkar publicly denounced the classic Hindu text, the Manusmriti (Laws of Manu), for ideologically justifying caste discrimination and "untouchability", and he formally renounced the ancient text. Burned copies.
• On September 24, 1932, Poona Pact was signed with Gandhiji, under which reserved seats for Dalits were increased in the Legislatures. In this agreement, Ambedkar announced to give up the right of separate electorate given to Dalits in the Communal Award, but at the same time increased the number of reserved seats in the Poona Pact to 148 instead of the 78 reserved seats received from the Communal Award.
• In the 1940s, he came to the fore as a constitution maker, after getting independence, he was also made the country's first law minister by the Congress party. On 29 August 1947, he was made the chairman of the new constitution drafting committee.

 

Some important works of Dr. Ambedkar: Newspaper Mooknayak (1920), Annihilation of Caste (1936), The Untouchables (1948), Buddha and Karl Marx (1956) etc.

 

Ambedkar and Gandhiji

There was a great difference in the views of Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi. In an interview, Dr. Ambedkar had said that he never called Gandhi a Mahatma. Dr. Ambedkar believed that Mahatma Gandhi had a great fear about the Scheduled Castes that they would become an independent body like Sikhs and Muslims and Hindus would have to fight with the grouping of these three communities, Gandhi always played a dual role. In the English newspaper, he described himself as an opponent of the caste system and untouchability and himself as a democrat. But if you read the Gujarati magazine Deenbandhu, you will see him as a more conservative person.

 

Ambedkar's views on caste

Unlike Gandhi, who advocated reforming the caste system by abolishing untouchability, Dr. Ambedkar took a more radical approach, rejecting the institution of caste itself. He saw the reformism supported by contemporary upper caste Hindus as insufficient to remedy millennia of discrimination. According to him, any rebellion against the caste system would be possible only when the oppressed themselves rejected their position and oppression as a divine mandate.

 

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